...as White as any Anglo-Saxon

 

LULAC leaders like [Paul] Andow clearly worried that too close an alliance with black civil rights leaders like Martin Luther King and endorsement of their tactics would imperil the position of Latinos and Latinas in a white supremacist society. Andow further implied that blacks succeeding in the wake of the civil rights movement did not deserve their good fortune. Meanwhile, LULAC sought a white identity for its members, campaigning against racial designations on government forms that classified Latinos as Mexicans. The term Mexican referred to a nationality, not a race, LULAC insisted, and Latinos were as white as any Anglo-Saxon. 

Jacob I. Rodriguez of LULAC bristled at the Mexican label. "There's no sense of shame in being, or being, a Mexican - IF YOU ARE A CITIZEN OF MEXICO!" Rodriguez wrote in a 1963 letter to the Sand Antonio Express. "There's just no reason why we - as U.S Citizens - should be called what we are not."

Phillips, Michael. White Metropolis: Race, Ethnicity, and Religion in Dallas, 1841-2001. United States, University of Texas Press, 2010.

Reggie Jackson's White Girlfriend

At Arizona State I encountered another form of prejudice. My football coach there, Frank Kush, told me that the Sun Angels boosters were upset because I was dating a Mexican girl, and that I should be careful... 

 In 1966 I was on the Arizona State baseball team when Bobby Winkles called me in and said, "I want to tell you that you're probably not going to be the number one draft choice in the country, even though you're head and shoulders ahead of everyone in ability." I asked him why, because it was a prestige thing to me. "Because you're dating a white girl," Winkles told me. I asked him how he knew. He said he'd heard it from the Mets. "They think it might cause some problems in the minors," Winkles said.

"We Have a Serious Problem That Isn't going Away", Sports Illustrated, May 11, 1987.

The Priest and the Hispanic Politician

 

Expelled for being white

 

Maria Varela and Luis Zapata joined SNCC in 1963, pre-dating the 1964 “Freedom Summer” and Elizabeth Mártinez came to Mississippi in 1964. Having each come to SNCC for different reasons, the three activists were joining what was, at the time, the vanguard of the Civil Rights Movement. The group was driven by students and young people and engaged in the direct action techniques that other civil rights groups hesitated to use. Founded in 1960 at Shaw University, with the guiding principles of nonviolence rooted in the Judeo-Christian tradition, SNCC was originally envisioned as a “channel of communication for the student movement.” Historians have remembered SNCC as being young, black and white activists from the Northeast and Southeast. However, the experience of Varela, Mártinez, and Zapata suggests that, in the early years, SNCC’s organizing model appealed to people from diverse backgrounds including activists from the labor movement, older people, people from the West and Southwest United States, and Latino/as. SNCC, which embraced inclusiveness in its early years, grew increasingly closed off and unable incorporate racially liminal subjects. When SNCC forced categorization of white or black, Mártinez and Varela were deemed white and were expelled from SNCC.

...the organization, led by a group working out of the “Atlanta Project,” agreed that “white activists needed to organize in the white community” and that black activists would organize in the black community. They maintained that whites organizing in their communities could still work under the banner of SNCC. However, months later, in December 1966, the SNCC staff met again at the New York estate of black entertainer Peg Leg Bates, where the decision was made, as Mártinez described it, to “expel white staff members.”

...While Zapata left SNCC before the battle over the role of whites in the movement took place, both Mártinez and Varela were deeply affected by the changing nature of SNCC. Writing many years later, Mártinez’s memory was increasingly focused on her identification as Chicana and the improper classification of her and Maria Varela as white during the expulsion. She wrote “as far as anyone seems to remember, we [Varela and herself] were classified as white, even though I did not consider myself either white or black.”

Writing after the Kingston Springs decision to expel whites, Mártinez defended whites put in a seemingly impossible position. “How could they defend themselves,” she asked, “when attacked for their whiteness.” Like Varela’s earlier discussion of white womanhood, Mártinez use of “they” and “them” in reference to whites suggests she saw herself as racially nonwhite, even if those in SNCC disagreed. She wrote: “From time to time, the question of whether I was to be classified as white or Mexican (i.e., non-white) has come up in SNCC. People talked about me but never asked me what I considered myself.” She goes on to make clear that she has always identified as Mexican, and therefore nonwhite. However, in SNCC she found her self reclassified. “One day,” she went on, “I found myself unable to vote in SNCC because I was ‘white.’”

 Cecilia Márquez, “The Strange Career of Juan Crow: Latino/as and the Making of the US South, 1940–2000,” PhD thesis, University of Virginia (2016) 

"We are above that. Leave that to the Negros."

Many Mexican Americans opposed black protests at both the state and the national level. They did not participate in demonstrations with African Americans, and they generally detested the fact that blacks throughout America engaged in these protests. As labor leader Pancho Medrano remembered, LULAC, the G.I. Forum, PASO, and other groups always rejected protesting. 

“Even at their state conventions,” Medrano stated, “when you tried to say, ‘Start demanding or picketing or marching,’ they say, ‘No. We are above that.’ Especially the LULACs; they say, ‘We have more pride or education than that. You leave this to the Negroes.’”... 

Some leaders rejected demonstrations, others denigrated protests, and some went so far as to criticize the most momentous protest of the 1960s: the March on Washington. LULAC, for example, drew up a resolution denouncing the march... 

Once again the league’s leaders firmly communicated to African Americans that they could not look to LULAC for aid or support. Like Felix Tijerina before them, Paul Andow and William Bonilla made sure that association with groups like the NAACP would not besmirch LULAC’s image.

Behnken, Brian D. Fighting Their Own Battles Mexican Americans, African Americans, and the Struggle for Civil Rights in Texas. The University of North Carolina Press, 2014.

Leander Perez, the Hispanic Segregationist

"We are not minorities"

Not so long ago, Hispanics, particularly Mexicans and Cubans, resisted the label of "minority". In a black-and-white America, Hispanics tended toward white, or at least tended to keep their distance from black. I remember my young Mexican mother saying to her children, in Spanish, "We are not minorities,"... 

One day, in the 1960s, the success of the Negro Civil Rights movement encouraged Hispanics to insist on the coveted black analogy, and thus claim the spoils of affirmative action.

Rodriguez, Richard. Brown: the Last Discovery of America. Penguin Books, 2003.